At the beginning of The Member of the Wedding, twelve-year-old Frankie Addams is spending most of
her time in the kitchen of her father’s house. Her two companions there are
Berenice Sadie Brown, her family’s African American cook, and John Henry, her
six-year-old cousin. Upon first reading, the kitchen seems a space of stasis
and repetition, where “The world seemed to die each afternoon and nothing moved
any longer” (1). It is possible to read this novel as the story of Frankie’s
escape from the kitchen. This reading would posit that entrance into the world
of white middle-class adulthood in the 1940s American South must entail a
casting-off of the place where Frankie, a middle-aged black servant, and a
much-younger male who is Frankie’s “blood kin” found common ground.
This
view would also cast the kitchen as belonging to but not necessarily
encompassing the location of childhood. It exists within the larger domestic
space of the house, where Frankie’s father can occasionally be found, but if we
read the novel as an account of the inevitable casting-off of that domestic
space, then it might be more appropriate to view the kitchen as the in-between
place from which Frankie is compelled to adulthood by a pronounced lack of the
agency she seeks. The kitchen is located within the house, but it’s also a
place where people who don’t strictly belong to the house can congregate.
Berenice is an employee, John Henry an extended family member. Though one can
argue that Frankie, on the cusp of her departure, belongs more in the kitchen
with these two than in the center of the house with her father, this
interpretation of the novel also makes it important to see the kitchen as a
place that can’t support its own kind of community—it is merely a jumping-off
point.
Elizabeth Maddock Dillon, in her
essay on creoleness and the early American novel, argues that the colonial space of Saint Domingue was seen by colonizers as able to support economic production only, though in
reality it was a site of social reproduction as well. It is possible to view Member’s kitchen as a kind of colonial space: a location
separate from the main action of the story, where the larger culture of the
novel can store the in-between, “unjoined” pubescent Frankie until she is ready
to participate in that action. In other words, the kitchen’s role is to grow a
functioning adult. But I would complicate this understanding of the physical
and narrative space of the kitchen by arguing, as Dillon does with Saint Domingue, that it is a site of social reproduction for its three
inhabitants.
John Henry, Berenice and Frankie
repeatedly alter the larger world’s cultural markers to fit their
kitchen-world. They change language until their words “rhyme with each other
and sound strange” (1). They create an imaginary economic system around their
card games, where John Henry is “in debt; he owed Berenice more than five
million dollars” (3). Most significantly, the wall of the kitchen is covered in
John Henry’s drawings, despite disapproval from outside authority: “Having
already ruined the wall, he [John Henry] went on and drew whenever he wished…At
first her father had been furious about the walls, but later he said for them
to draw all the pictures out of their systems, and he would have the kitchen
painted in the fall” (7).
The idea that John Henry can only
change the rules temporarily, until the fall when his changes will be painted
over, brings me to the place where my analysis must diverge from Dillon’s.
Dillon argues for a lasting understanding of the early American novel as
creole, suggesting that an identity created by a historically and
geographically specific colonial situation can have a legacy that remains
significant, and an application outside its geographical space. Frankie,
Berenice, and John Henry all eventually leave the kitchen, as the narrative has
insisted that they would from the beginning. But it is not clear that their
connecting identity as kitchen-dwellers can be maintained in any way after they
leave that space. As we near the novel’s close, we are made to understand that
even within the kitchen, there has been a limit to what the three can share:
for Frankie, “It was impossible to understand his [John Henry’s] point of view.
And he did not understand her either” (121). Dillon does not suggest that in
Saint Domingue creoleness is an identity completely untroubled by
considerations of other difference such as race or gender, but she does allow
for a collective understanding between creole people, and it is that collective
understanding that allows her to move creoleness forward. By contrast, the
identity of kitchen-dweller, dependent upon only three inhabitants, does not
manage to survive to the end of Member.
John Henry dies and haunts the kitchen as a ghost, but Berenice and Frankie
align themselves with other groups, as was their goal even when they coexisted
in the kitchen. How are we to understand, then, a group that temporarily
reproduces itself within a given space, but whose members don’t understand
themselves as doing so, either during the time of reproduction or after its
end?
Remembering the blurb you posted originally about the primary work, the connection between Dillon’s definition of creoleness and the children in The Member of the Wedding leads me to wonder what the implications of the comparison are in terms of Frankie’s, or any of the children’s, sexualities. The blurb implied that various readings point to Frankie’s homosexuality or possible multiplicity of sexualities as she grows up. Considering that Dillon spends a good deal of time on the sexualization of creole women in the colonial space, I would be interested to know if Frankie (or the others) experience any significant moments in their sexual development in the kitchen, and if so, if their identities as “kitchen-dwellers” are differently conceived sexually than their later non-kitchen-dwelling identities.
ReplyDeleteThis is such an interesting investigation of group identity and subjecthood. I wonder if the condition/urge of wanting to leave a group can also (negatively) define that group. That though the kitchen-dwellers may not understand themselves as kitchen-dwellers, they may understand themselves as those who want to leave and have left the Kitchen, just as the creoles continue to be Creole even when they leave Saint Dominique to form their temporary female utopia? Perhaps Henry’s haunting of the kitchen gestures towards an identity, which is inescapable, even as the characters decidedly move away from the kitchen space?
ReplyDeleteAn opposite possibility also came to mind, what if the kitchen not only refashions “the larger world’s cultural markers to fit their kitchen-world” but the kitchen world is already inherent on the worlds that Bernice and Frankie move into just as creoleness is inherent in the Creole novel even before it is defined as creoleness?
I'm curious about your thoughts on how the "imaginary economic system" structured around card games operates in relation to Dillon's analysis of Saint Domingue, which is viewed by colonizers first and foremost as a site of economic production. Is the kitchen inhabitants' act of changing this cultural marker more rebellious than say, altering their language, since they are essentially recreating economic production on their own terms? Or is the act of reproducing the economic system simply a symptom of the colonial space?
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