In his article on necropolitics,
Achille Mbembe suggests that imagining the political as a form of war begs the
questions “What place is given to life, death, and the human body (in
particular the wounded or slain body)? How are they inscribed in the order of
power?” (12). Concerned only with
tracing the concept of sovereignty from late-modern times (as opposed to pre-
or early-modern times), Mbembe chooses the institution of slavery as the
paradigmatic example of wounded or slain bodies in order to answer his
questions and understand the historical account of the rise of terror in
contemporary times. The slave’s
humanity, though his body is kept alive, is erased through the master’s
possession of his body; this possession manifests itself through a sustained
state of terror—the threat (without the fulfillment) of possible death—and this
threat is kept alive through repetitive injuries of the slave body. Mbembe’s discussion of injured bodies
still relies on this opposition of life and death, and gives no special
credence to the injured body beyond this—the slave’s existence is one of
death-in-life, and the subjected—but living—body remains a “shadow” of
existence, rather than a powerful entity, itself. Perhaps this is because of the special quality of the slave
as commodity. Were the slave to
lose a hand, his body would become even more of a shadow than it is to begin
with, and rather than being subjected to a state of terror, in which he can
harness the power of that “protean capability” to create art from suffering,
his utility being nullified, his body would simply be discarded. The slave’s capabilities for art and alternative
perspectives rely on an able body
(mostly able, anyway), just as, in Foucault’s world, the plague-victim’s agency
in creating and maintaining sovereign power relies on his ability to survey his
neighbors.
In Titus Andronicus, the necropolitical influence of the sovereign clearly
permeates and catalyzes the plot.
It is precisely the right of the state to kill (as a Roman general,
Titus sentences the son of his enemy queen to death) that initiates the revenge
(that queen, made empress, uses her power to subject Titus’s daughter to rape
and amputation). Later, under the
influence of Aaron’s sadistic ruse, Titus donates his hand to the emperor in
hopes of saving his sons’ heads (literally—they are to be decapitated).
In a very crude analogy, we can try
to compare Titus, as a “slave” to the Roman state to the literal slaves of the
plantation. However, unlike the
slave of Mbembe’s argument, Titus can lose his hand and still participate in
the revenge plot. When compared to
a figure more like the leper of Foucault’s lecture, Titus’s role in the revenge
plot reveals a more subversive agency than that of the slave or the
plague-victim, and beyond anything Mbembe discusses. Titus, though wronged by the Roman state and deprived of his
hand, can exact a revenge of his own, one carried out through madness, rather
than the reason that seduces the subject of a sovereign power into believing,
as Mbembe articulates, that “[t]he exercise of reason is tantamount to the
exercise of freedom” (13).
Ostracizing himself from the community of reasonable, autonomous
subjects that achieve agreement “through communication and recognition” and
forge a new political body, Titus effectively subverts the power those subjects
participate in, and reinstates his family as a ruling sovereign in Rome (or, at
least, that is the very optimistic reading of Titus’s conclusion).
By literally cutting himself (or his hand) off from the community, he
manages to reorganize power in a way that those who work within the community
(the queen and Aaron as plague victims?) fail to do.
If, as Mbembe suggests, we, rather
than “considering reason as the truth of the subject, we can look to other
foundation categories that are less abstract and more tactile, such as life and
death” (14), can we then revise Mbembe’s “categories” to include something not like the death-in-life of the slave/
plague-victim, but rather something very tangible like the deformed (re-formed?) body of the
handless general or the ailing leper?
Hi Steph!
ReplyDeleteThe blog just refreshed itself in the middle of my comment, so hopefully I can recapture the gist of it. Anyhow, I'm responding to the idea of (pretend) madness as leprosy and separation from the body as being even more embodied--I think it might jive with the idea that I'm working on of normalcy as disease/plague in an interesting way. I also think that it raises an interesting point, can and do lepers return after they are exiled? What happens to them? Does the leper colony interact with the cities/villages at all? Can they be truly absent from purified society?
Also, I'd be interested to hear more about the significance of Titus's pretended madness (or is the baking of heads in a pie actual madness?) vs. his actually missing hand that he cuts off for a pretended reason. Does the implication of imagination in his actions position him even further from reason, perhaps even to a wilderness beyond that of the leper?